Harry Binswanger has articulated a very clear position in favor of open immigration: “This is a defense of a policy of absolutely open immigration, without border patrols, border police, border checks, or passports.” He makes several points, but I want to focus on one, which I think is fundamental. He writes:
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The implicit premise of barring foreigners is: “This is our country, we let in only those we want here.” But who is this collective “we”? The government does not own the country. It has jurisdiction over the territory, but jurisdiction is not ownership. Nor does the majority own the country. America is a country of private property. Housing is private property. So is a job. Only the owner of land, or of a business employing people, may set the terms regarding the use or sale of his property.
There is no such thing as collective, social ownership of the land. The claim, “We have the right to decide who is allowed here” means that some individuals—those with the most votes—claim the right to prevent other citizens from exercising their rights over the land they own. But there can be no right to infringe upon the rights of others.
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Binswanger has identified the main question whose answer separates his view from mine. Is there such a thing as social ownership of the land? If there is, then property rights allow the citizens of a country to control the border. If there isn’t, then nobody has the right to stop foreigners from using public land to cross the border.
I aim to prove that Binswanger has come down on the wrong side of this question, and this error has logically led him and others to promote absurd immigration and border policies. Land indeed can be owned and controlled by a society, a group of people, and that society can grant managerial powers to its representatives in government.
Consider an empty piece of land. If a man puts work into that land and turns it into something else, a ranch, a farm, a residence, a business, etc., then it is his property. Now, what if ten men got together as a group, called the Ten Man Group, and they all worked equally hard to build a farm. Then that property is owned by the Ten Man Group. Here we have group ownership of land. Each member of the group has a 10% claim on the property.
Next, let’s imagine a whole town of people getting together. They agree that public free ways must be built, so that citizens can move about more easily without having to pay road tolls to private owners and delaying travel time. In principle, this should violate nobody’s rights, as long as eminent domain is not used. For simplicity, let’s say everyone in town agreed with this idea, and nobody’s land was stolen from them by the townspeople. So now we have a community owning the land on which the roads are built. Each member of the community has a percentage stake in the property, which is represented by the ability to vote in elections and petition the government.
If we apply this principle generally to the entire nation, we get a system of public lands that are owned by the citizens and tax-paying residents of that nation. Some mistakenly treat public lands like they are not owned, because they don’t see how a society can own land. They don’t make the connection with group ownership of property. Because the people of a nation invest in the public property and its maintenance, they own it jointly, and they therefore control its use.
Binswanger says, “The government does not own the country,” and he’s correct, in a sense. It’s the people whom the government represents who own the country–meaning the public lands within that country. Obviously society in general has no claim on private lands.
Binswanger’s answer to that fundamental question has led him to endorse a bad border policy. He actually wants no checkpoints, no control whatsoever. It doesn’t take much imagination to consider the horrific consequences of this inaction. America’s enemies could, for example, easily conduct border raids and sneak into the country undetected with myriad ill intents. Such an absolutely open border policy displays no regard whatsoever for the life and property of the nation’s people. But at least Binswanger has remained logically consistent with his fundamental principle. If he can be persuaded that his principle is wrong, then he should come around to the side of those advocating some sort of border control based on property rights.