Economic Cycles (and Austrian Economics in general)

Cap, you are continuing to equate the production of a gold mine with the running of the printing press that occurs in a fiat system

No, I am not arguing for a fiat system. That’s the last thing I would want to argue for! What I am equating comparing is

  • an increase in the money supply resulting from increased gold production in a laissez-faire, gold-standard economy and
  • an increase in the money supply resulting from the voluntary transactions of banks and their customers in a laissez-faire, gold-standard economy.

They have two key characteristics in common: 1., both are an increase in the money supply (i.e. the supply of assets serving as means of exchange), and 2., both are scenarios under the gold standard, in a laissez-faire economy, where–as you have just said–all economic transactions are voluntary, and therefore banks are productive businesses providing valuable services to their customers, not looters or plunderers.

If you make that assumption, it becomes even clearer that capital consumption does not necessitate a net outflow of gold from the banking system.

Yes, you’re mostly right, the straight capital-consumption element for specie withdrawals is being considerably overstated. Once more this is my fault. The prime reason for specie withdrawals will be concern about bank insolvency rather than for paying bills. What I have stated about delays and equilibria is correct in reasoning, but over-emphasised in its volume and hence importance. There are now, and I imagine there always will be, merchants who operate on a cash-only basis (EFTPOS and credit-card systems do cost the merchants money, up to as much as 4% of gross revenues for some systems), but they will also be the merchants whose products one is least likely to buy when one is in the red.

So, my answer in post #34 to your prior question in post #33, “why do banks need to rebuild reserves,” was wrong in its first paragraph. I forgot context, that of reserve rebuilding only applying to banks operating fractionally. Banks would need to rebuild reserves as part of the means to retaining its remaining custom, and in future to regain lost custom, by demonstrating that they are being prudent. The specie withdrawals (the said lost custom) would occur because there is a shift in preferences on how people express the demand for money - from risky fractional accounts or fractional notes holdings to low-risk specie, non-fractional accounts or non-fractional notes. The second paragraph of my answer then holds, but the 5m in withdrawals is solvency-concern-driven rather than bills-paying driven, and the need to rebuild reserves by 1.25m is subsequent to that.

JJM

So, my answer in post #34 to your prior question in post #33, “why do banks need to rebuild reserves,” was wrong in its first paragraph. I forgot context, that of reserve rebuilding only applying to banks operating fractionally. Banks would need to rebuild reserves as part of the means to retaining its remaining custom, and in future to regain lost custom, by demonstrating that they are being prudent. The specie withdrawals (the said lost custom) would occur because there is a shift in preferences on how people express the demand for money - from risky fractional accounts or fractional notes holdings to low-risk specie, non-fractional accounts or non-fractional notes.

I see, thanks for the correction. So let me get back to the other issue you named, the issue of time delays. In this post:

In time it would lead to the same, but there is always that delay. It is not a shift in preferences (unless bank solvency comes into question), just recognition of the fact that things don’t happen instantaneously. For so long as the downturn is still in progress the equilibrium of cash in meeting cash out wont be met. One of the markers of the bottom being reached is when that equilibrium is finally met.

In a non-fractional economy, the delay is very short because the money supply remains unchanged (gold stays in human hands after mining, as I noted). What having a fractional system does is make the end of the delay take longer to reach because the money supply itself is being diminished by the withdrawals, continuning to reduce revenues while the fall in expenses lags behind.

–you seem to be talking about the phase when the downturn is already under way, but it still isn’t clear to me why the downturn happens in the first place under fractional reserves but not in a 100%-gold economy. I understand you hold there is a difference in quality between a purely gold-induced boom and a fractional-reserve boom, which explains why the former is not followed by a bust but the latter is, and that the difference has to do with time delays. Would that be correct?

it still isn’t clear to me why the downturn happens in the first place under fractional reserves but not in a 100%-gold economy.

A downturn can happen in both. The cause (outside of government) will be the result of either someone making a mistake in capital allocation that is large enough to be felt by an unusually large number of others or the coincidental and unusual aggregation of a number of smaller mistakes happening at the same time.

What a fractional-reserves system does is magnify the volume and time taken by each phase, introduce a source of reasons why the mistakes would occur together, and also to introduce a new source of reasons for making mistakes, all of which increase volatility in a manner that is difficult to accommodate in forecasts (if the attempt to do so is even made). Total malinvestments are thus greater under fractional money than non-fractional money, build up over a longer period of time, and take a longer amount of time to liquidate.

I understand you hold there is a difference in quality between a purely gold-induced boom and a fractional-reserve boom, which explains why the former is not followed by a bust but the latter is, and that the difference has to do with time delays. Would that be correct?

Delays are only part of it, and the original emphasis I had on it was based on my error .

The difference between an upswing caused by a gold find and an upswing caused by an increase in fiduciary media is that the former is more easily identified by all participants in the economy, and ahead of time, than the latter is. A gold find will be a news item before the gold comes on stream, making it easier to prepare for in a reasonable manner, whereas a significant shift in reserve policies would often have to be inferred after it is already underway and by which time individual businesses may have already have mistaken the increase in revenues for an increase in their customer’s real production and hence maintainable purchasing power.

On top of that, the reason why a fractional-bust is worse than a non-fractional one is that the latter does not involve a diminution of the money supply. A diminution of the money supply lowers total revenues in the whole economy, over and above the individual woes of each business or person. Just as the boom causes more people than normal to make mistakes, the diminution negatively affects more people than just those who made the original mistakes. Total expenses also fall, but they lag behind the fall in revenues because people are still contractually bound to pay prior negotiated prices for things. The economy wont return to normal until the money supply stops falling and the entire structure of all prices has changed to reflect that total smaller money supply - that is, when contracts are replaced, renegotiated, or terminated due to bankruptcy. That is the part that takes some time, partly because people can’t finalise proper forecasts and pricing until the money supply stops falling, and partly because it physically takes time for the entire set of contracts to be changed (eg there will be those who wont allow renegotiation and will demand that contracts run their time, which is of course their right to demand).

If, by contrast, the money supply isn’t fractional then no such painful set of events is required because the money supply and total revenues merely hit plateaus at higher levels reflecting the consequence of the gold-find. This plateau is reached at the point in time where, in a fractional economy, the money supply would be just starting to fall and still has a ways to go yet before it reaches its own lower plateau. Thus people are able to reassess the value of money and make reliable forecasts much sooner after the end of the upswing than in a fractional economy, and the total amount of malinvestments to be liquidated is limited only to those who made the initial mistakes.

JJM

No, I am not arguing for a fiat system. That’s the last thing I would want to argue for! What I am equating comparing is

  • an increase in the money supply resulting from increased gold production in a laissez-faire, gold-standard economy and
  • an increase in the money supply resulting from the voluntary transactions of banks and their customers in a laissez-faire, gold-standard economy.

Ok, but how does this relate to your rejection of the Austrian Business Cycle? I’m trying to get a feel for where we’re going…Is this the main thing that you don’t understand, or is there a larger point that you disagree with?

The two actions you are comparing are vastly different, but they are being blurred by remnants of our earlier discussion on money. The first action you named involves a permanent increase in the monetary base of the economy, while the second involves a temporary increase in M1. The important thing to note is that fractional reserve notes can be destroyed as easily as they can be created. Gold, once discovered and used in exchange, exists in the economy forever (as far as I know).

The difference between an upswing caused by a gold find and an upswing caused by an increase in fiduciary media is that the former is more easily identified by all participants in the economy, and ahead of time, than the latter is. A gold find will be a news item before the gold comes on stream, making it easier to prepare for in a reasonable manner, whereas a significant shift in reserve policies would often have to be inferred after it is already underway and by which time individual businesses may have already have mistaken the increase in revenues for an increase in their customer’s real production and hence maintainable purchasing power.

On top of that, the reason why a fractional-bust is worse than a non-fractional one is that the latter does not involve a diminution of the money supply. A diminution of the money supply lowers total revenues in the whole economy, over and above the individual woes of each business or person. Just as the boom causes more people than normal to make mistakes, the diminution negatively affects more people than just those who made the original mistakes. Total expenses also fall, but they lag behind the fall in revenues because people are still contractually bound to pay prior negotiated prices for things. The economy wont return to normal until the money supply stops falling and the entire structure of all prices has changed to reflect that total smaller money supply - that is, when contracts are replaced, renegotiated, or terminated due to bankruptcy. That is the part that takes some time, partly because people can’t finalise proper forecasts and pricing until the money supply stops falling, and partly because it physically takes time for the entire set of contracts to be changed (eg there will be those who wont allow renegotiation and will demand that contracts run their time, which is of course their right to demand).

I see, it’s starting to make more sense now. Let me try and sum up the essential points to see if I understand them right:

  • An unexpected increase in the money supply can cause people to make mistakes in their calculations (by perceiving an increased demand for their goods in nominal terms, but failing to predict a corresponding rise in their costs), leading to malinvestments
  • An increase in the money supply caused by a lowering of reserve rates is likely to mislead a much greater number of people than a simple gold find, due to its subtle and less well-publicized nature
  • The essential characteristic of the malinvestments is that they are more long-term oriented than the time preferences of the investing public would warrant
  • Banks will try to remedy the situation by making additional capital available by means of further lowering their reserve rates
  • This leads to reserve rates becoming so low that banks will often fail to meet their customers’ gold-withdrawal demands
  • The resulting loss of confidence in the banks induces a net withdrawal of gold from the banking system, causing a sudden drop in the money supply
  • The drop in the money supply causes further adjustment-related economic difficulties

Is this a more or less correct summary of the theory?

Ok, but how does this relate to your rejection of the Austrian Business Cycle?

Remember that I didn’t say I “rejected” it, only that I was “not convinced.” I had read several presentations of the theory, but found most of them to be unclear and therefore unconvincing. I am trying to understand what exactly the theory says, to connect it to the facts of reality, which is why I am asking all sorts of questions.

I am particularly interested in the theory as it applies to fractional-reserve banking in a gold-based free market. I hold that to be the ideal system, while the Austrian theory seems to be saying it’s essentially the same as fiat money under a central bank system.

Cap : The theory pertains to a fiat system and the actions of its central bank. It is a mistake to try to base ABCT on a laissez-faire economy, as your last post described. The central thesis of ABCT is that there are no business cycles (at least in the “boom and bust” sense that we know them as) in a laissez-faire economy. Business cycles in the modern pseudo-capitalist nations as such are caused entirely by the manipulation of money and credit by a central authority. ‘Reserve rates’ have less to do with the theory than the printing press, i.e. creating money out of thin air to manipulate the prevailing rates in the various and sundry credit markets.

Your third bullet point (“The essential characteristic of the malinvestments is that they are more long-term oriented than the time preferences of the investing public would warrant”) is the central unifier of Austrian cycle theory. Under a fiat system with expansionary monetary policy, the time preferences of consumers are not aligned with those of businessmen, and therefore businessmen make long-term investments without borrowing from savers. As a consequence, there is no transfer of wealth from savers to borrowers, only an increase in paper notes floating around, and therefore investments are not made with real wealth saved from earlier productive activity.

An unexpected increase in the money supply can cause people to make mistakes in their calculations (by perceiving an increased demand for their goods in nominal terms, but failing to predict a corresponding rise in their costs), leading to malinvestments

More or less. All increases can occasion the making of extra mistakes, but unexpected ones moreso.

An increase in the money supply caused by a lowering of reserve rates is likely to mislead a much greater number of people than a simple gold find, due to its subtle and less well-publicized nature

In the main, yes. Again, both can mislead, but lowering reserve ratios has a notably higher propensity to do so.

The essential characteristic of the malinvestments is that they are more long-term oriented than the time preferences of the investing public would warrant

Yup. As Adrock said, this is central to the whole thing, both of the full ABCT and this simple discussion of gold-finds versus fiduciary expansion.

Banks will try to remedy the situation by making additional capital available by means of further lowering their reserve rates

No. What banks do next is the product of the thoughts of individual bankers. Different banks will have different responses, which in a laissez-faire economy acts as another diversification mechanism. If OTOH the bank in question is the central bank, then its response is of enormous importance and effect because it affects everyone in the whole economy (in addition to it being of a much greater magnitude in general and involving substantially higher credit multipliers), and so one really gets the traditional boom-and-bust scenario. What happens in a laissez-faire economy, even one that includes the use of fractional reserves, wont have a patch on that.

This leads to reserve rates becoming so low that banks will often fail to meet their customers’ gold-withdrawal demands

The resulting loss of confidence in the banks induces a net withdrawal of gold from the banking system, causing a sudden drop in the money supply

Possibly, but in a laissez-faire economy (including one practicing fractional banking) this would be unusual. At the mild level of fractionality as would be present in LFC, most banks would cover withdrawals by building up reserves again out of funds from maturing loans or sales of those loans to others before those banks got anywhere near defaulting on their note/deposit liabilities. Nevertheless, the risk is there, and for that reason there will always be at least some customers who do withdraw in specie. The riskier a bank operates, the greater the number of its customers who will be inclined to flee to specie when trouble brews.

I should add at this point (and which was remiss of me not to mention before) that different banks will have different reserve policies. What is more likely to happen is that customers will in aggregate shift banks in favour of those that operate at higher fractions, based on their assessment of risk versus reward - they (especially corporate treasury units with coolly-calculating professional staffs doing it constantly and with big sums) will compare differing rates interest on accounts in different banks with different degrees of risk attached, and move funds as they judge fit. The aggregate fraction for the banking system then goes higher, which makes for a lower credit multiplier, which makes for a reduction in the money supply.

The drop in the money supply causes further adjustment-related economic difficulties

In comparison to were the new money resulting from a gold find, yes.

JJM

The theory pertains to a fiat system and the actions of its central bank.

My problem is that, from the way the theory is usually stated, this is not at all apparent. The cycles are usually blamed on "credit expansion, "which is another concept whose intended meaning I am not sure about–but from the way von Mises uses it in Human Action, I had the distinct impression that it includes the actions of fractional-reserve banks under the gold standard. Generally, I do not see advocates of the theory making a clear distinction between free fractional-reserve banking and fiat-money central banking, and the same people who advocate the theory are often also opposed to fractional reserves (either totally, saying it’s “fraud,” or in a softer way, saying it’s legally fine but not a good idea, as does John McVey).

Here is an example of what I mean by von Mises’s use of “credit expansion” :

What differentiates credit expansion from an increase in the supply of money as it can appear in an economy employing only commodity money and no fiduciary media at all is conditioned by divergences in the quantity of the increase and in the temporal sequence of its effects on the various parts of the market. Even a rapid increase in the production of the precious metals can never have the range which credit expansion can attain. The gold standard was an efficacious check upon credit expansion, as it forced the banks not to exceed certain limits in their expansionist ventures.

So yes, on the one hand, he is saying that the gold standard is an “efficacious check,” but on the other hand, he is implying that the bank s , in the plural, are the ones with the “expansionist” tendencies, even under the gold standard. Credit expansion is differentiated from “an increase in the supply of money as it can appear in an economy employing [emphasis added] only commodity money and no fiduciary media at all,” meaning that there are two alternatives: 1., only commodity money, 2., credit expansion is a possibility. This would imply that credit expansion is a possibility under the gold standard when there are “fiduciary media,” i.e. fractional reserves.

So my next question is: What is the definition of “credit expansion” ?

So my next question is: What is the definition of “credit expansion” ?

“Fractional reserves” covers two different but related phenomena:

  • having more total face-value in banknotes liabilities outstanding than there is specie assigned as reserves

  • having more total face-value in deposits liabilities outstanding than there is specie assigned as reserves

Without fractional reserves, demand-deposit accounts are where the bank acts as a storehouse and gains an income from renting vault-space and charging fees for use of its transaction facilities. A bank can then only lend out of cash put in by investors, be those investors the stockholders or the buyers of debt of various maturities. Physically, a bank can make those loans either by handing over notes to a borrower or by crediting the borrower’s account. A bank can issue extra loans either by issuing notes in excess of reserves of cash put in by investors or by lending specie out of cash put in by demand-deposit customers. Either way, those extra loans are the credit expansion, which is called such in contrast to credit growth arising from increases in the real supply of capital from investors.

Among other things, von Mises was noting that the mechanics of the two types of fractional reserves are different but still arrive at the same result, and that both were different again from an increase in the quantity of gold as money where that difference of gold to fractional reserves was quantitative as well as mechanical. He was also noting that the hot-button issue was not about action of people acting rationally in a laissez-faire economy but about people arguing the relative merits of various proposals for law in a non-LFC economy combined with the manipulation of public opinion in pursuit of their sociopolitical agendas (for example, the Act of 1844 he spoke of gave the monopoly on notes issue to the Bank of England, and which law was based on recognition of the consequences of the first type of fractional reserves but failure to recognise the same consequences arising from the second type).

JJM

those extra loans are the credit expansion

OK, so the theory seems to be saying that credit expansion is possible under laissez-faire capitalism, but wouldn’t be prevalent because the gold standard is an efficacious check against it–and thus, most banks would operate with 100% reserves. Is that right?

My view is different from that. I think most banks would have less than 100% reserves; the gold standard would prevent them from lowering their reserve rates arbitrarily and encourage them to set a rational reserve target–one which is high enough to cover the level of demand for specie that can be reasonably expected, but low enough to profit as much as possible from loaning out the unneeded gold.

As for central banking and fiat money, the theory appears to be assuming that the mechanism by which the central bank lowers interest rates is the same kind of “credit expansion,” right? The difference being that here there is no check against it. Again, my view is different: the operation of the central bank is based on the confiscation of gold and on treasury bonds–both of which take capital away from productive enterprises and move it into the hands of the government. This is a contraction of “credit,” not expansion. When the Fed is lending its assets at low interest rates, it’s acting like a robber offering to sell you back the stolen goods at a cheap price. When it demands high interest rates, it’s like the same robber demaning a high price.

OK, so the theory seems to be saying that credit expansion is possible under laissez-faire capitalism, but wouldn’t be prevalent because the gold standard is an efficacious check against it–and thus, most banks would operate with 100% reserves. Is that right?

My view is different from that. I think most banks would have less than 100% reserves; the gold standard would prevent them from lowering their reserve rates arbitrarily and encourage them to set a rational reserve target–one which is high enough to cover the level of demand for specie that can be reasonably expected, but low enough to profit as much as possible from loaning out the unneeded gold.

That’s fine. I don’t think the theory is saying what you’ve described. What it is saying is that this would not cause an economic boom of the sort we are accustomed to.

As for central banking and fiat money, the theory appears to be assuming that the mechanism by which the central bank lowers interest rates is the same kind of “credit expansion,” right? The difference being that here there is no check against it. Again, my view is different: the operation of the central bank is based on the confiscation of gold and on treasury bonds–both of which take capital away from productive enterprises and move it into the hands of the government. This is a contraction of “credit,” not expansion.

The central bank can go into the Treasury market and buy 10 billion dollars worth of Treasuries with money is creates by debiting its account and crediting the sellers accounts. This is credit expansion. Your view may be different, but it’s wrong. Central banks do not contract credit, they expand credit. As proof, you should take a look at the balance sheet of the Fed in 2005 and then take a look at it now. If the central bank contracted credit, then the Liabilities side of its balance sheet should have fallen, since it is liable for every note it creates.

This is not the case. The balance sheet of the Fed has expanded practically every year since its creation.

The balance sheet of the Fed has expanded practically every year since its creation.

Sure it has. But the effect has not been to make more capital available to the economy, has it?

Sure it has. But the effect has not been to make more capital available to the economy, has it?

Bait and switch.

Capital≠Credit

Capital≠Credit

Furthermore, when the government starts to throw a spanner in the works:

Credit deserved/earned ≠Credit actually granted

Government intervention typically results in an increase in aggregate credit granted, but a decrease in aggregate credit deserved/earned.

OK, so the theory seems to be saying that credit expansion is possible under laissez-faire capitalism, but wouldn’t be prevalent because the gold standard is an efficacious check against it–and thus, most banks would operate with 100% reserves. Is that right?

Almost. Unless the practice of fractional reserves were rejected by all customers, all that a fully functional gold-coin standard will do is see that the reserve ratio is high, and so the extent of credit expansion will be low. The final step to 100% reserves is dependent on the decisions of individual banks and their customers.

the gold standard would prevent them from lowering their reserve rates arbitrarily and encourage them to set a rational reserve target–one which is high enough to cover the level of demand for specie that can be reasonably expected, but low enough to profit as much as possible from loaning out the unneeded gold.

You’re asking the impossible, because there is no rational basis on which to formulate a fractional reserves policy. All reserve ratios other than 100% are arbitrary.

The story of the idle gold is a fallacy, because the extra loans are turned into someone else’s income which then gets put into their demand deposit accounts. That starts the credit multiplication process, which does not end until the amount of gold in vaults “sitting idle” comes back to pretty much the same as it was before the process got started. The only difference is the extra (and undue) credit generated.

As for central banking and fiat money, the theory appears to be assuming that the mechanism by which the central bank lowers interest rates is the same kind of “credit expansion,” right? The difference being that here there is no check against it.

No. The system we have today did not exist in von Mises’ time. In his day, gold was the root of money and the total money supply could only be expanded through gold mining, note expansion, or private credit expansion. In that system the central bank could directly do the middle, and could encourage the third by dictating minimum reserve and capital adequacy ratios, dictating key rates, and other hands-on means. Now that we have fiat money, the distinction between gold and notes is gone, central banks are less hands-on than they use to be, and the money supply is primarily extended through the physical and electronic printing press controlled by the central bank. The central bank nowadays influences interest rates and total credit via usurpation of market mechanisms using moneys created with those presses.

Again, my view is different…

You really need to do research on the mechanics of both Treasury bond issues and Open Market Operations.

JJM

Bait and switch.

Capital≠Credit

Furthermore, when the government starts to throw a spanner in the works:

Credit deserved/earned ≠Credit actually granted

Government intervention typically results in an increase in aggregate credit granted, but a decrease in aggregate credit deserved/earned.

Could you guys elaborate a bit more on what you mean there?

(Gotta go now; I’ll read and respond to John’s post when I’m back from my skiing trip on Monday.)

The story of the idle gold is a fallacy, because the extra loans are turned into someone else’s income which then gets put into their demand deposit accounts. That starts the credit multiplication process, which does not end until the amount of gold in vaults “sitting idle” comes back to pretty much the same as it was before the process got started.

Could you elaborate on this? Are you saying that there is going to be a vicious cycle of reducing reserves?

You really need to do research on the mechanics of both Treasury bond issues and Open Market Operations.

Which part of what I wrote do you disagree with?

Could you elaborate on this? Are you saying that there is going to be a vicious cycle of reducing reserves?

It’s a matter of actually following the physical process of what happens to the gold during the multiplying up of credit, as identified in any respectable book on the subject. Every time the bank lends out money (as gold or as claims to gold) the borrower eventually spends it. That spending becomes someone else’s income, which that person then deposits back into the banking system. Some is kept as reserves, and some is forwarded to another borrower. From that borrower the process repeats, to yet another’s income and back as deposits into the banking system again. Each time it cycles around the amount lent out gets smaller and smaller, until the total amount kept as reserves is - surprise surprise - pretty much the same amount of physical gold as existed before the banking system went fractional. Grand total reserves remain the same in absolute - which is the refutation of the fallacy of the idle gold - but they go down as a proportion of what they are reserves for when the fraction the banking system keeps is pushed down.

There is a minor complication, not often discussed in the basic treatments in the textbooks. This is the discussion I had with Adrock. In LFC the process is limited, and so it truly is a ‘pretty much the same’ as above because the increase in total money supply is minimal, which in turn doesn’t devalue gold all that much. In non-LFC the process goes much further, can devalue the monetary component of the value of gold considerably, and cause notable reductions in total gold held in vaults as reserves because it’s cheapening increases its non-monetary use. Happiness at the prospect of that, and pursuit of government intervention to do so, was one of Adam Smith’s more notable deviations from laissez-faire.

As for central banking and fiat money, the theory appears to be assuming that the mechanism by which the central bank lowers interest rates is the same kind of “credit expansion,” right? The difference being that here there is no check against it. Again, my view is different: the operation of the central bank is based on the confiscation of gold and on treasury bonds–both of which take capital away from productive enterprises and move it into the hands of the government. This is a contraction of “credit,” not expansion. When the Fed is lending its assets at low interest rates, it’s acting like a robber offering to sell you back the stolen goods at a cheap price. When it demands high interest rates, it’s like the same robber demaning a high price.

Which part of what I wrote do you disagree with?

First, you’re confusing what the Treasury does with what the Central Bank does. It is Treasury that borrows by issuing government bonds, where all the Central Bank does is act as an auction house. Via the central bank, the Treasury borrows from various institutions (predominantly banks and insurers etc, and in the US also Social Security as a constituent of that alleged lock-box, and so on) by selling them fixed-interest debt assets. So far, that much isn’t credit expansion, just an example of lending for consumption. If that were all that happened then, yes, this action would act as credit contraction because it is reducing the amount of credit available for business lending. But, this is separate from the issue of the central bank changing interest rates.

Second, you’re getting the sequence of cause and effect wrong as well as totally misunderstanding how Central Banks operate. Credit expansion by central banks is exactly that, an expansion. But, it does not lower rates by pursuing credit expansion - it generates credit expansion by lowering rates, and it lowers rates by inflating the money supply.

Central banks don’t seek to lower interest rates in general, but usually are aimed at one in particular: the overnight cash rate that banks lend to each other at. Normal banks all have accounts with the Central Bank in its capacity as a clearinghouse, called Exchange Settlement accounts (in Australia anyway, maybe named differently elsewhere), which are used by the normal banks to settle up with each other on their customers’ net drawings and deposits of cheques and transfers etc at the end of the day. If a particular bank doesn’t have enough to settle up all that it owes to other banks that night it can borrow the shortfall from other banks on an overnight basis (banks can also borrow directly from the Central Bank itself, but banks try to avoid that because it is onerous and is a trigger to the Central Bank raising awkward questions).

Central banks lower this interest rate by printing money (today, in the form of book-keeping entries) and using it to buy (*) assets from the normal banks at above-market prices in Open Market Operations. As it happens, the assets so bought by the Central Bank are the private banks’ holdings of Treasury bonds. This puts more money in the banks’ ES accounts, which lowers their demand for overnight credit, and so puts downward pressure on the overnight cash rate. The Central Bank keeps on throwing in more and more book-keeping money, continually buying assets, until the overnight rate is at its official target as set by Board policy in those infamous rates-setting meetings they have. The net result, in a disgustingly convoluted manner, is that the Central Bank monetises Treasury debt and the extra money becomes additional funds for private banks to lend. There is thus increased lending in total (ie credit expansion), both of lending to the government (the purchase of T-bills and bonds) and to the private sector.

(* Technically, it is not buying but a more complicated transaction called a repurchase agreement, repo for short, but it works out to be the same thing with churn thrown in)

In the more uncommon event that is genuine credit contraction, the Central Bank does the opposite. It sells assets back to the banks who have excess amounts in their ES accounts (at below-market prices), which puts upward pressure on the overnight cash rate. The Central Bank keeps on soaking up money from ES accounts by selling assets until, again, the actual overnight cash rate becomes the target rate. The banking system as a whole then has less left over to lend to the private sector. This is what is true credit contraction, but it is associated with rising rates rather than falling rates.

None of this is about the Central Bank setting any interest rates by direct diktat. They used to do that, but not so much any more. Today it is the jawboning of the market and the flashing of cash as required so as to lower interest rates to suit Treasury’s desires not to pay high rates. As I said, it is now done by the manipulation of market mechanisms, via OMO’s. The force involved is still there, but is at the much deeper level of the damn capital adequacy rules that give special preference for Treasury debt. It is because of those capital adequacy rules - the Basel I and Basel II accords - that the private banks (and others like insurance companies) will ‘voluntarily’ buy Treasury debt in the first place even though the returns are very low. A bank can choose not to buy those debts, but it is penalised for it in its ability to lend and also misses out on the opportunity to sell them to the Central Banks for capital gains. Those who toe the line will have more freedom and more opportunities to make money.

JJM